Archive for March, 2005

Beyond Kyoto: Council on Foreign Relations Seminar

You may wish to first read my earlier post Beyond Kyoto on John Browne’s article for Foreign Affairs, July/August 2004. This is excellent background for the following Council on Foreign Relations seminar June 24, 2004.

Browne opened with a short summary, followed by an excellent Q&A:

There is a very strong case for precautionary action, and I believe the aim of that action should be to limit any increase in the world’s temperature to around two degrees Celsius. That translates into a stabilization of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere at around 500 to 550 parts per million sometime in the early next century. That is the best current estimate, and, of course, as knowledge advances, that estimate could be adjusted and refined.

Can that stabilization be achieved? The answer is yes. It would mean putting ourselves on a trajectory to the point where, in 2050, 50 percent of global needs would be met by conventional fossil fuels and the other 50 percent would come from fuels with lower carbon emissions, in some cases with zero emissions. Each of those two halves would be about the size of today’s energy industry. I believe that’s achievable.

A great deal of work and experimentation has been undertaken over the last few years by governments, by academics, and in the business world. We may not have an international agreement as anticipated at [the 1997 climate change negotiations in] Kyoto, but we do have a great deal more knowledge and experience than we did seven years ago. People have demonstrated that [carbon] emissions can be reduced at very low cost simply by reducing waste and inefficiencies. We did that in BP [British Petroleum], and we found that we actually made money in the process.

Cutting out waste is a first step, but beyond that, people have also begun to demonstrate that there are practical ways of managing the problem.

I think the most interesting work is that done at Princeton [University], which identifies a range of opportunities, each of which could contribute to meeting the overall challenge. They are wide-ranging and have all been demonstrated at scale. None of them would require a material advance on currently available technology, just a continued reduction of the engineering cost curve comparable to the gains the energy industry has achieved at the time; for instance, in Arctic and deep water oil production or the long distance transportation of gas as LNG [liquid natural gas]. The task is to reduce by 2050 the amounts of carbon dioxide, which on current projections would be entering the atmosphere each year by half, some 25,000 million tons.

Is such a reduction feasible? Yes. Numerous different steps could contribute to the displacement. Each of the following could reduce emissions of carbon dioxide by 1,000 million tons per year, and each could be scaled up from there:

–400 power plants using natural gas rather than coal, each generating 1,000 megawatts–that is, in total, roughly equal to China’s current power capacity.

–200 coal-fired power plants using carbon capture and storage.

–600 million cars, that is, a third of the world’s anticipated car numbers by 2050, each running at 60 miles per gallon rather than 30 miles per gallon using hybrid engine technology.

–The replacement of 200,000 megawatts of coal-generated power with nuclear.

–A 20-fold increase in wind power capacity.

–A 12 percent per year growth in solar power, half that of the last 25 years.

And there are many other things which could be done to improve the efficiency of energy use–from the development of smart grids making more efficient use of electricity transmission, to a greater use of waste heat in factories and homes; from the development of a coal gasification technology [which converts coal into synthetic natural gas], to the construction of more energy efficient buildings, an important step given that a third of all energy use is actually in buildings.

Of course, there are many uncertainties. The decisions that require changes in lifestyle may be quite unacceptable. The technology of carbon sequestration [the uptake and storage of carbon by various methods so as to keep it out of the atmosphere] may be unattainable. The development of a new generation of nuclear stations may raise unacceptable risks of proliferation and terrorism, as well as raising, again, the question of waste disposal. But equally, there are uncertainties on the positive side. Technology is moving very quickly and would almost certainly offer new opportunities over the next half century–possibilities we can’t even envisage now.

All in all, then, I believe there is a case for cautious optimism. I know many people who care about this issue are dismayed by the fact that the Kyoto agreement has never been ratified. I understand that disappointment, but I still believe that the whole process is a very long-term enterprise, comparable in many ways to the development of GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] and the WTO [World Trade Organization] after the Second World War. That process took decades and is still incomplete. But progress was made, starting with the 23 countries who took the first decision to reduce tariffs between themselves when they met here in the United States in the spring of 1946. Gradually people saw what was possible and the benefits it could bring.

In terms of climate change and long-term energy security, we’re now beginning to see what can be done, and there are ways to meet the challenge at a manageable cost. I do think that one of the real challenges of this issue is that it seems almost too big, too global, and too full of uncertainty to be susceptible to the normal policy process. And that’s why I think the answer lies not in finding a single instant solution but in taking an incremental approach supported by market forces, setting some objectives, doing what we know we can do, learning from experience, and then doing more. This isn’t an insoluble problem. We can find a solution, and we should start now.

AUSUBEL: Anywhere with your colleagues from Shell or Phillips-Conoco or ExxonMobil or other major energy companies around the world, do you feel their thinking resembles that of BP, or do you feel there are real very divergent views within the industry?

BROWNE: When BP looked at what it was doing and concluded that continuation of business as usual was not possible and not correct and not right, we at that time were a member, along with most of the oil industry, in a coalition to fight any restrictions on the industry relating to analysis of climate change, carbon dioxide. We left that group. We were the first to leave. And then we made a very clear statement that we needed to do something, some precautionary actions, to begin to reduce the amount of carbon going in the atmosphere and therefore to change the business in a way which was appropriate. But at that time it was difficult for us with out partners. It was a surprising act, and one which obviously changed relationships.

I would say where we are today is that the oil industry has come an awfully long way in the way it behaves, the way it conducts its affairs. We should become much more efficient, much more conserving of energy, and much less emitting of carbon dioxide. They are very much voluntary agreements. Not everybody says it the same way. But the progress over the last seven years has been more, I think, than I expected when we started this, which is very pleasing.

AUSUBEL: Let me turn to my side of the world. I come from the research world. We consume lots of taxpayers’ money that is channeled through Washington or Brussels or Tokyo for doing research.

In your paper, you speak about the known and the unknown. At the same time, is it possible that much of what we would like to know now, the additional knowledge that we wish to have, in fact is not unknown but unknowable? Is it possible that the models, the climate models, these large simulation models, have become so complex, have so many equations, so many parameters, so many fudge factors, that we really know about as much as we’re going to? You know, is all the research money just to buy off the intelligentsia now? In a way, it seems to me you’re saying the real question is, "How risk-averse are we?" At least in BP we know enough to make the major decisions. So should the world be spending whatever it is now, 3 or 4 billion [dollars] a year, on climate research?

BROWNE: Well, I think–if I may say so, I guess you know the answer to this, but let me try.

Without wishing to go into areas where I’m no longer current–I’m not a researcher–is that research in these areas is about–not about analysis of history where everything is bolted to the ground and all we know is laid before us because it is the past. It’s just not like that. Everything is about estimating the future, and the future is of course actually unknowable. And so we are limited in some ways by the limits of our minds on how we can model that future based on limited experience of the past. And so we find from all this analysis that there’s a reasonable range of outcomes, and each one has a risk attached to it.

Over time you can get greater and greater understanding, but in the end you are in diminishing returns because the difference between having a–let’s take a case of–the difference between a 10 percent chance of something happening and an 11 percent chance of something happening wouldn’t, I believe, change people’s behavior. The difference between a 10 percent and an 80 percent chance would change people’s behavior. So at this stage, I think people are trying to find out just what exactly this is, and can we do a bit better?

In our industry, we spend billions of dollars based on models of the future, models of things we can never see, that are in the minds of our scientists and engineers. It’s called exploring for oil and gas. You can never see and never touch a reservoir. It exists as a figment of the imagination, nowadays as a projection in three dimensions, built on simply remote sensing. We can never see it. We don’t know whether it exists. But we have to try to model it, and then we make some tests to see whether it’s there.

Our modeling is all about working out–reducing the risks of failure. This is not unsimilar. So you think about modeling in some ways this analysis as a different form of insurance policy.


AUSUBEL: And I finally follow up with a question on the trading system. The European Greens have been able to block the inclusion of nuclear energy within the European–proposed European trading system for reduction of emissions. Of course, the building of nuclear power plants is the main way that France, for example, has been able to keep very low emissions. Even in the U.S., nuclear power provided 6 percent of electricity at the time of [the 1979] Three Mile Island [nuclear power plant meltdown], 10 percent at the time of [the 1986] Chernobyl [nuclear power plant explosion] and more than 20 percent today. What’s your view and the BP view on whether nuclear should be part of the trading system?

BROWNE: Well, there are so few choices for energy sources in the world. It’s all gas, coal, and nuclear fission, is the vast bulk of today’s energy. Alternatives and renewables globally amount to under 3 percent. And certainly for the next decade or so, it’s not going to grow that much. It may well do in several decades’ time. So to do it partially, without considering all energy sources and how you can trade one against the other, is probably not a logical or effective way to go.

And what I would say about the energy trading system in–or the trading system in Europe is that phase one, which is ‘05 to ‘07, is a learning period. The actual process becomes much more effective in ‘08. So I think, again, there’s a lot of understanding that has to take place with what is now a wider Europe.

QUESTIONER: I’m Dick Stewart with New York University. How long can a cap and trade system in Europe or in a few American states or voluntary efforts like BP’s or the Chicago Climate Exchange sustain itself if major competitors are outside such a system? And how can they be included?

BROWNE: I think the answer is, "Who knows?" It depends exactly on whether the trading system first induces–which is quite possible–could actually induce more productivity. It’s just possible that what it will do is cut waste and improve efficiency. It’s very possible over a period.

Long-term, this–the question of the atmosphere is global, and it cannot be solved simply by one part of the world operating. So it’s going to have to have everyone in it. But it doesn’t have to happen immediately. It certainly can take a few years for people to come in. But I suppose, in the end, if the world is divided, longer-term, between those who want to do something and those who would then be construed as free riders on the problem, then it won’t–it will not sustain. It will not sustain.

QUESTIONER: I want to push you–Dan Esty from Yale. I want to push you beyond the low-hanging fruit, the early efforts that might yield efficiencies, and go to the point you raised earlier about how hard a problem this is. It’s across a great amount of space, global; it’s inter-generational. Some of the models are showing that those who are likely to cause the greatest harm may bear the lowest burden of that harm–the United States particularly, where the models are showing, perhaps, not very great damage. So isn’t this ultimately a terrible problem to attack from a cost-benefit point of view? Because, from every politician’s point of view, the costs are borne locally, the benefits are spread broadly, and it doesn’t look good. So how do you overcome that? And I guess maybe you were hinting at it at the end of your last answer. Is it really a moral question?

BROWNE: Well, I could add some more difficulties to your set, which include, critically here, the enormous time difference between doing something and seeing the benefit, which can’t be an easy thing for anyone in political life to preside over, for it is always their successors that gain the benefits for the incumbent’s cost. So yes, indeed, there are lots and lots of difficulties. But so, too, have there been in many other agreements between nations where there appears to be the need to give and to take and to lose something and maybe gain something on a [inaudible] time scale.

I have a sense that as people look at what is going on, and as they see other people working, it is very difficult to see people just ignoring action. And in the end, in the big nations, the highly developed nations of the world, this is about what populations think; it isn’t necessarily about what individual leaders think.

QUESTIONER: Thank you. Ruben Kraiem from Paul, Weiss. I know that you’ve avoided speaking about public policy and have focused specifically on what business can do and what can happen more or less spontaneously, but I’m concerned if I imagine a legislator or a senior member of the executive branch of this country listening to your presentation. I might come to the view that, in fact, it sounds like things are going to get themselves worked out and haven’t heard in the presentation what, as a matter of public policy, the governments of the world, and particularly the United Sates government, ought to be doing. For example, is it necessary in order to achieve these objectives, that there be a massive investment in certain types of renewable energy technologies that is supported by government, or is the cap and trade system going to, assuming it came into effect, going to address the problem more or less on its own?

BROWNE: I would–well, the first point I would make is that there is no denying that in due course, at some stage, with everyone working at a different speed, people will have to come together. There has to be some sort of policy umbrella. Otherwise, surely, there are no rules of the game, and the rules of the game will effectively establish the market.

The second is, I do believe very firmly that it should be a market-based approach. You would expect me to say that; I still will repeat it. And therefore it requires a sensible framework, regulation and principle, and not subsidy and not intervention, picking winners which may not be winners.

Thirdly, I think it requires development of an understanding that that is where governments can come in, which is to continue to support the basis for understanding the basic science of the technology and the basic science of the phenomena itself.

But in the end, governments will have to come together. Governments do have to set the framework within which business works. But quite a lot can happen over a period of time. It is not as if Kyoto is a litmus test, is it? It’s a binary switch, on and off. It would be very good if we could learn from the past and spend perhaps less than getting on for 50 years developing the WTO. Hopefully there’s a learning curve, and we’ll get there a little faster. But maybe it’s not unexpected that we didn’t get there in one leap.

Beyond Kyoto: John Browne

John Browne is Group Chief Executive of British Petroleum. So we should dismiss anything he has to say regarding carbon mitigation, Kyoto, etc., right? At least that is the attitude of some authors on climate change issues that I’ve encountered. "Oh, he’s an oil industry guy - pay no attention". If you avoid that knee-jerk bias, you’ll find that Browne has a good understanding of the science, economics and politics which leads to some useful recommendations.

"Beyond Kyoto" was first published in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2004. Browne offers no "silver bullets", just a careful walk-through of the risks, knowns, unknowns and challenges. His policy proposals are cautious, emphasizing emissions-trading markets coupled with firm caps:

There are two main reasons why it has been hard for societies to tackle climate change. First, carbon dioxide has a very long life span: it exists for hundreds of years in the atmosphere, making this a multigenerational issue. Second, reducing carbon dioxide in the atmosphere can be done only on a truly global basis, since emissions mix throughout the atmosphere much quicker than individual processes can limit their impact.

Beyond these known facts, the picture becomes murkier. For instance, nobody knows how rapidly emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases will rise in the future. That outcome depends on the pace of global economic growth and on the impact of technology on the ways society generates and deploys useful energy. Equally, it is impossible to determine precisely how the climate will respond as greenhouse gases accumulate to ever-higher concentrations in the atmosphere. The brightness and altitude of clouds, for example, determine whether warming is amplified or diminished, yet it is not known how exactly climate change will affect cloud patterns. Nor is it known how the world’s carbon cycle will respond. A warmer climate might make the planet greener — which would mean more carbon dioxide would be sucked from the atmosphere. Alternatively, climate change might impose such severe stress on the biosphere that nature’s processes for removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere would become less efficient than normal.

On the basis of known technology, the cost of meeting this goal would be high. But the track record of technological progress in other fields indicates an enormous potential for costs to fall as new ideas are developed and applied. In the energy industry, for example, the costs of deep-water oil and gas development have fallen by a factor of three over the last 15 years, dramatically extending the frontier of commercial activity. There is no reason to think that research and development in the area of benign energy systems would be less successful. Predicting where that success might come will not be easy — but that means progress must be made on multiple fronts.

Many people believe that the 500-550 ppm goal would help avoid the worst calamities. But we must recognize this assessment for what it is: a judgment informed by current knowledge, rather than a confirmed conclusion to the story. Taking that judgment as the starting point, the two figures on the following page reveal the magnitude of the task ahead. Figure 1 shows an anticipated projection for emissions from industrialized and developing countries — a "business as usual" pathway that reflects the normal improvements in efficiency, the shift away from carbon-heavy fuels such as coal to carbon-light natural gas, and the expected increase in use of zero-carbon energy sources such as nuclear and wind power. Figure 2 shows the total world emissions from that business-as-usual pathway along with a "path to future stability" — an optimistic but realistic projection of what it will take to stabilize the atmosphere at 500-550 ppm by around 2100. The large gray shaded area is the difference: the wedge of emissions that must be avoided.

Almost every sensible analysis of the effort needed to stabilize carbon dioxide concentration arrives at a hump-shaped trajectory like the path to future stability in Figure 2. In other words, the long-term target of 500-550 ppm is reachable even if levels of emissions continue to rise in the short term — as long as emissions start declining thereafter. (Emissions must be progressively curtailed beyond a certain point because previously emitted carbon dioxide lingers in the atmosphere for hundreds of years.) The implication of Figure 2 is that we still have time to take measured steps. But if we are to avoid having to make dramatic and economically destructive decisions in the future, we must act soon.

EFFICIENCY AND TRANSFORMATION

Both the exact level of the peak in global carbon dioxide emissions over time and the subsequent decline are unknown. We can safely assume, however, that emissions from developing countries will keep rising as economic activity and incomes grow, as shown in Figure 1. This means that leadership must come from the industrialized world.

In the short term, the developed world can use energy much more efficiently and profitably. With a clear impetus for change, business could put new technologies and services to use: cautiously at first, but more aggressively as the best systems are identified and put into practice with the normal turnover of capital.

Business has already found that it is possible to reduce emissions from its operations. Counterintuitively, BP found that it was able to reach its initial target of reducing emissions by 10 percent below its 1990 levels without cost. Indeed, the company added around $650 million of shareholder value, because the bulk of the reductions came from the elimination of leaks and waste. Other firms — such as electricity generator Entergy, car manufacturer Toyota, and mining giant Rio Tinto — are having similar experiences. The overwhelming message from these experiments is that efficiency can both pay dividends and reduce emissions.

Yet reducing emissions by the gray area in Figure 2 — a reduction that amounts to around 25 billion tons per year in 2050 — will require more than just efficiency improvements. Given the world’s rising demand for energy, we must also transform the energy system itself, making fuller use of low-carbon fuels as well as carbon-free energy systems. Paradigm shifts must occur across the economy: transportation accounts for 20 percent of total emissions, industry contributes another 20 percent, the domestic and commercial sectors emit around 25 percent, and power-generation accounts for another 35 percent. A wide-ranging set of policies is thus called for.


DOWN TO BUSINESS

The role of business is to transform possibilities into reality. And that means being practical, undertaking focused research, and testing the different possibilities in real commercial markets. The energy business is now global, which offers a tremendous advantage: international companies access knowledge around the world and apply it quickly throughout their operations.

But the business sector cannot succeed in isolation. Harnessing business potential requires fair and credible incentives to drive the process of innovation and change. In responding to global warming, that role must fall to the government. Neither prescriptive regulations nor fiscal interventions designed to collect revenue rather than to alter behavior provide the answer. Rather, governments must identify meaningful objectives and encourage the business sector to attain them by using its knowledge of technology, markets, and consumer preferences.

Recent experience suggests that emissions trading regimes — whereby government sets a binding cap on total emissions, dividing the total into "emission credits" that are given to those who emit carbon dioxide — are the best policy for encouraging business. Policymakers (notably in the United States) have demonstrated that it is possible to design such systems for other pollutants, such as sulphur dioxide, thereby harnessing the power of innovation and the flexibility of the market to protect the environment, while avoiding crippling costs. The same insights should apply to carbon dioxide. A well-designed trading regime would include a strictly enforced cap, which would make carbon dioxide emission credits scarcer (and thus more valuable) and would thereby increase the incentive for business to control emissions. Such a system would also allow firms and households the flexibility to apply resources where they have the greatest impact, which is essential, because the best measures for controlling carbon dioxide are hard to anticipate with precision and are widely dispersed across the economy. And a credible emission trading system would create incentives to invest in radical new technologies, the kind that will be crucial in building a carbon-free energy system in the future.

Emissions trading systems need not be identical in every country, nor be applied universally from day one. The political reality is that we are unlikely to see the sudden emergence of a single regime; in scope and ambition, that would be comparable to the emergence of a single global currency. Instead, progress is much more likely to come through the gradual process of knitting together diverse national and regional efforts on the basis of their track records of experience and achievement. The key task today is to find practices that will lead to a system that will enable today’s diverse and fragmented reduction efforts to be valued on a common basis. The history of trade liberalization over the second half of the twentieth century shows that gradualism can yield impressive results.

Al Qaeda’s Grand Strategy

Tigerhawk posted today a must read summary of Michael Scott Doran’s 3/28/05 Princeton lecture on "Al Qaeda’s Grand Strategy". By taking copius notes of the lecture Tigerhawk has offered us some serious journalism - including links to two Foreign Affairs articles by Doran that I had missed, and some excellent Q&A following the lecture. Good work and thanks to Tigerhawk. Excerpts from the Q&A segment follow:

Q: What advice does Doran have to a U.S. policy maker that has to balance the interests of democratic civil society with the risk that some of these organizations are fronts for radicals? [A smart question. - ed.]

A: “I’ve been surprised how little work has been done on clerical politics in Saudi Arabia. We need to have a much more textured understanding of the domestic map of politics in these countries.”

Q: Can changes in American policy influence this situation?

A: “I fight against the argument that solving the Arab-Isreali problem will make all of this go away. However, I am more confident than a lot of people about Iraq because of this Sunni-Shiite division. I find it hard to believe that radicalism will take root there.”

Q: Has there been a change in American attitudes toward the House of Saud?

A: “Everything has changed, and nothing has changed. The relationship will always been defined by shared strategic interests. The importance of the region for the global economy is such that we will still care very much about Saudi Arabia’s policies.

"They didn’t lift a finger against al Qaeda until the bombs started going off, but I’ve been surprised at how effective they have been since. Al Qaeda is significantly weakened there.

The Saudi leadership is pragmatic at the top levels.”

Q: Is Osama bin Laden any longer a central figure? Is his capture or non-capture a sideshow?

A: “I don’t know. I don’t think he is insignificant. I think he has a pretty direct connection to the radicals in Saudi Arabia. His relationship with al Zarqawi in Iraq is more tenuous. In one sense he is irrelevant. There is an ideology out there that has a sense of its own. It tells everybody what to do."

MegaVote - Automatic Watchdog on Your Congress

This is a grassroots advocacy tool that looks promising - a dead simple way to track your senators’ and representative’s votes by e-mail. From the website signup page (I just signed up):

Each week (that Congress is in session) you will receive:

  • Key votes by your two Senators and U.S. Representative.
  • Links to send e-mail to your members of Congress using pre-addressed forms.
  • Upcoming votes for your review and links to offer e-mail input before they vote

I couldn’t find Privacy Policy info on the site, so I used a throwaway email address from SneakeMail.

I’ve not tested sending email to Congress by their method. I suspect if the email doesn’t come with a contribution it doesn’t get much attention.

Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profits, Jobs and Security

This is the first of a series of SeekerBlog posts on energy policy options. Readers seeking a practical, economics-aware energy policy guide will find the captioned report by Dr. Amory Lovins of serious interest. This is the first study I have seen that lays out a politically-feasible policy roadmap. From the executive summary:

… a strategy for ending US oil dependence, and is applicable worldwide. There are many analyses of the oil problem. This synthesis is the first roadmap of the oil solution - one led by business for profit.

In this first post, we’ll look at two reviews of the Lovins study.

(1) Former National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane reviewed the book (PDF, Wall Street Journal, December 20, 2004):

Perhaps the most rigorous and surely the most dramatic analysis of what it will take to wean us from foreign oil was tasked by the Pentagon and carried out by the Rocky Mountain Institute, a respected center of hard-headed, market-based research. The report, "Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profits, Jobs and Security", is now out in book form and has received positive reviews.

In his forward to the book, George Shultz writes, "How many more times must we be hit on the head by a two-by-four before we do something decisive about this acute problem? . . . Hybrid technology is already on the road and currently increases gas mileage by 50% or more. . . . New, ultralight-but-safe materials can nearly redouble fuel economy at little or no extra cost . . . hydrogen could be produced from natural gas saved from currently wasteful practices."

The report outlines the steps to get us from here to zero reliance on foreign oil: First, to retool automobile, truck and aircraft manufacturing to reap fuel efficiencies by using advanced composite and lightweight steel construction. Such a metamorphosis could eliminate as much as 52% of the oil we use today by 2030 with no loss in safety or performance. Second, we should exploit recent advances in technologies for converting cellulose to ethanol and thereby replace another 25% of the oil we consume today. In the process we could increase farm income by tens of billions of dollars and create 750,000 jobs.

In the book’s powerful summary conclusion, Dr. Amory Lovins, president of the Rocky Mountain Institute and the report’s principal author, argues persuasively that by 2035 we can be entirely independent of imported oil and that "it will cost less to displace all of the oil that the United States now uses than it will cost to buy that oil." Specifically, he continues, "by 2025, the annual economic benefit of displacing all of our current oil imports would be $130 billion gross (or $70 billion net of the displacement’s cost). To achieve this does not require a revolution, but merely consolidating and accelerating trends already in place."

One of my grounds for some optimism on how successful a good energy policy could be is that energy-productivity has been improving for 150 years. I.e., energy-input per unit of GDP output has been decreasing at an average rate of 1%/annum. We need only a slightly higher rate to overcome population & underdeveloped nation growth. Note: the 1973 oil embargo boosted energy-productivity improvements to 4%/annum.

If we could implement policies that raised the historical 1% rate to a 2% per annum rate, that would overcome the combined impact of both population growth and expected industrial growth of China, India, Brazil, etc. Absolute energy consumption would still increase for a some decades due to the industrial growth, but the compounding productivity improvements should cause a peak roughly 50 years out. (the difference over 100 years illustrates the idea: 1% compounds to a reduction of 2.7x, while 2% compounds to a reduction of 7.2x).

I have a paper on energy-productivity archived - I’ll post on it as soon as I locate it. Back to reviews of the Lovins study:

(2) Scott Burns just reviewed the book (The Dallas Morning News, March 28, 2005), including links to related web resources. Excerpts:

  • How much? How fast? Think about this timetable:
  • Cut consumption by the amount we import from the Persian Gulf by 2015.
  • Use less oil by 2025 than we used in 1970.
  • Import no oil at all by 2040.
  • Use no oil at all by 2050.

More impressive, much of this can be done simply by getting back on the efficiency improvement path we were on when we responded to the first and second OPEC oil price shocks in 1973 and 1979.

An idle dream, you say?

Not hardly. The book is supported with a "Technical Annex," a collection of studies and spreadsheets that totals a massive 15 megabytes, much of it in compressed Zip format, and all available as a free download. This is no pipe dream.

Big changes

The centerpiece of Mr. Lovins’ plan is a transformation of the largest oil consumer – transportation.

As you might expect, he starts with the American automobile. The plan calls for a transition to lightweight but safer carbon fiber-based vehicles that start as near-80 mpg hybrids (like the Toyota Prius) but evolve into fuel-cell vehicles.

If you are thinking to yourself, "Oh great, we’ll all be riding around in three-wheeled Dinky Toys," relax. A pragmatist, Mr. Lovins’ designs for future automobiles call for reduced weight but not reduced acceleration or safety.

More important, this is a market-oriented plan. Both political parties can back it, if they can sheathe their knives and ideology for a few moments.

Once particular concern of mine is that the current US focus on converting transportation to the "hydrogen economy" may be sub-optimal or worse. The challenge to reverse the absolute growth in fossil fueled consumption is hard enough - we should not squander resources on romantic but ineffective policies. For the details, please see Carrying the Energy Future Comparing Hydrogen and Electricity.

Update 03/29/05- the entire book can be quickly downloaded here (PDF 1.9MB). At that URL you will also find a slide presentation, a discussion forum and other materials.

Update 03/30/05: Richard has emailed a series of excellent criticisms of the Lovins’ study. I’m adding the dialog in the form of updates for the benefit of readers who don’t get into the comments section.

Richard is arguing for the absolute minimum of government "command economy" tinkering. Instead restrict the government tinkering to tax-driven gradual oil price increases, allowing free market decisions to find the most efficient paths to increasing energy productivity.

It would be great if we could get a dialogue going to better assess which parts of the Lovins’ proposals are worth supporting.

03/29/05 Dear Steve,

Thanks for your blog. You find interesting things to write about.
Pretty neat that he put the whole book on the net. I didn’t notice that
in your post or at the site. Don’t know if I’ll get to read the whole
thing or not. It sounds almost like a reference work.

I would argue that tax based increases are sufficient to motivate
consumers and producers to make optimal decisions, or at least
decisions as good as can be made any other way. I see increases in the
price of oil being inevitable. What we have now is uncertainty about
when price increases will occur and their size. Consequently, we tend
to ignore the inevitable rise until we get a big ratchet like the one
we just had to $50 per barrel, if it lasts. When the ratchet effect
does hit, it causes greater economic dislocation than would equivalent
gradual scheduled increases. Knowledge about the future base price of
crude oil would allow consumers and producers to make long term
investments with greater confidence and require a lower rate of return.

Note that I would use the duty to maintain a minimum price for oil, not
a maximum. That allows the price information to help decision makers
without getting the government into the price control business. Part of
what I’m talking about is also having more of the price increase stay
in the U. S. rather than go to producers.

If you want to use something other than price to influence decision
makers, what is it?

03/30/05 Dear Richard,

> If you want to use something other than price to influence decision
> makers, what is it?

The slide presentation may be the most efficient way to surf over the key proposals - even so it is much more than a 30 minute task to assess and summarize (possibly a good sign that the work is non-trivial).

There appears to be serious thinking behind all this - I’m not finding it easy to quickly latch onto the essence.

A central idea is "creative destruction" of existing manufacturing tech - particularly auto production. E.g., from steel stampings to carbon composite parts –> 50% weight savings –> 68% fuel savings.

They claim to have done a complete virtual design with production-costing.

Another central theme is accelerate the market changes over what would be expected from tinkering with price. To slash the first 10% of the typical 15 year tech transformation from 10% to 90% adoption.

I do think there is meat in the sandwich… it looks exciting!

03/30/05 Dear Steve,

The one thing I am sure of is that every projection in there is wrong.
How wrong? In which direction? Darned if I know. But I know that the
authors cannot predict the future, just as the whalers could not. They
may have some promising ideas that may very well be worth implementing.
I don’t know and neither does anyone else. Why? because we don’t know
what will happen to the price of oil.

Instead of using price as information to decision makers, the authors
assume they know everything necessary to come up with the best
solution. I am always skeptical of the brilliant beautiful people at
the center who know more than anyone else.

Note the "Four Basic Market Failures" in slide 21

Oil is priced below its societal cost
Most customers are very short sighted
Most customers have poor information
Most managers resist disruptive innovation

I agree with every one of those points. A continuously increasing
minimum price of oil addresses each of them directly.

Now look at slide 22, "Five ways Government can help"

Stimulate demand for very efficient vehicles
Build vibrant 21st Century industries by sharing risk and deploying
faster than the private market
Lower risk of investment for new manufacturing plants through loan
guarantees to automakers
Support development of domestic energy supply infrastructure
(hydrocarbons carbohydrates)
Remove barriers to efficiency through coherent policies and purging
perverse incentives.

How do any of these directly address the four basic market failures? By
saying that government knows better what should be done than all the
rest of the people in the country. I don’t agree. This program calls
for government circumventing the free market system to impose a
solution on every one. Another government tried that in the 20th
century. It was called the Soviet Union. It imploded.

Look at each in detail.

Stimulate demand for very efficient vehicles. His solution? Bribe
people to buy cars they don’t want. Start with poor people and give
them new cars with subsidized lease payments. Mine? Constantly jack up
the price of oil at a rate higher than growth in personal income.
People will do the right thing. They aren’t doing the "right thing"
fast enough? raise the price faster.

Build vibrant industries by sharing risk and deploying faster than the
private market. Sharing risk means protecting incompetent business men
from suffering failure and the competent ones from getting richer than
Rockefeller. Do you think this will motivate business to solve the
problem or to do whatever government says? And deploying faster than
the private market? When it absolutely, positively has to bet there
overnight, do you use the Post Office?

Lower risk of investment through loan guarantees to automakers!
Subsidize Detroit! Because they have contributed so much to the
American economy in the last 50 years? Because they have shown such
ability to innovate? I suppose this is supposed to address managers who
resist disruptive innovation. But what really motivates people,
including managers, is the opportunity to make a lot of money. If
Detroit can figure out how to respond to continuously rising prices of
gas, they’ll get rich. If someone else does first, that’s fine with me
too.

Support new hydrocarbon to carbohydrate infrastructure change. He’s
already picked his post petroleum energy source! He may be right, but
why not let the market decide?

Remove barriers to efficiency. This sounds like change perverse
government regulations that have made the current problem worse. Like
the EPA? These are things that should probably be done regardless of
whether one implements his high tech program or my raise the price and
let the market sort it out plan.

I think these folks may well have mastered the technology and economics
of a probable solution. But the more I see the less convinced I become
that they understand governments, people or markets.

03/30/25 Dear Richard,

I find it a challenge to pick holes in your "Chicago school" analysis - as you are working (I think) from my own ideological home base. In spite of my general lack of confidence in projections (as you noted), I am intrigued with Lovins’ projected outcomes. So as time permits I want to chew on his bone some more to see what marrow may be there.

Oil is priced below its societal cost
Most customers are very short sighted
Most customers have poor information
Most managers resist disruptive innovation

I agree with every one of those points. A continuously increasing
minimum price of oil addresses each of them directly.

Regarding "very short sighted" and "have poor information", I believe that Ms. Voter isn’t good at discounting. So I wouldn’t expect voters to correctly discount the probable future costs of alternatives. Aren’t there many examples of this in our current experience? E.g., lack of interest in nuclear power? E.g., continuing to build more/wider freeways for single-driver commutes?

The "tragedy of the commons" is a collorary to the inability to discount consequences. Surely buying gas guzzling SUVs is an example? There may be a present reward to have the shiny Suburban in your drive, but it’s difficult to see any future common reward in such decisions.

That said, I don’t know how to counter those behavioral problems with no-regrets policies that are certain not to have the problems you describe. Perhaps we could progress by focusing on only one of Lovin’s proposals, which looks promising to me - the "feebates". On p. 186 Lovins writes "The centerpiece of our policy recommendation is the “feebate”. From the book-text, some extracts to stimulate the discussion:

Most importantly, revenue- and size-neutral “feebates” can shift customer choice by combining fees on inefficient vehicles with rebates to efficient vehicles. The feebates apply separately within each vehicle-size class, so freedom of choice is unaffected. Indeed, choice is enhanced as customers start to count fuel savings over the vehicle’s life, not just the first few years, and this new pattern of demand pulls superefficient but uncompromised vehicles from the drawing-board into the showroom.

…Starting on p. 186, we’ll discuss and simulate the most important way to do this: policies known as “feebates,” 636 which reward a shift to more fuel-efficient vehicles without distorting choices between vehicle classes or burdening public revenues. If enacted regionally or nationally, feebates alone would create the incentive for manufacturers to accelerate and increase their investments in developing and making very efficient vehicles. Our policy portfolio also includes complementary policies to increase early demand and accelerate supply of advanced technology vehicles.

The main virtue of higher gasoline taxes would be in reducing miles driven afterthe car is bought. 724 This effect, though weak, is clearly observable; but we’ll propose alternative ways to achieve that goal too, without increasing net cashflow to the Treasury. So without denying the sound economic principle of proper pricing, we think there are more creative, politically palatable, and effective ways to signal the value of efficient vehicles—especially at the point of purchase where that decision is focused. We’ll return to the most important such option—feebates—as soon as we’ve argued that efficiency standards, too, are no longer the best policy choice for America.

19: How feebates work:
Feebates lower the prices of efficient vehicles, so people buy more of them, and raise the prices of inefficient vehicles, so people buy fewer of them. Each year, the fees pay for the rebates (plus the minor administrative costs 747). Consider, for example, a feebate of $1,000 per 0.01 gpm, with a pivot point of 23 miles per gallon (0.043 gpm) for the midsized SUV class. A Nissan Pathfindergetting 18 miles per gallon (1/18 mpg = 0.056 gpm), is 0.013 gpm worse than this benchmark value or “pivot point,” so Pathfinder incurs a $1,300 fee. Ford’s new Escapehybrid SUV gets (let’s suppose) 36 miles per gallon, or 0.028 gpm—0.015 gpm better than the pivot point—so it would earn a $1,500 rebate. These changes in the vehicles’ retail prices are typically smaller than the sales incentives that most automakers now offer out of their own profit margins, and are economically about equivalent to the hybrid tax credits offered by some states such as Colorado. In this example, the feebate would be revenue-neutral if slightly more Pathfinders than Escape hybrids were sold.

There is a great deal of fairly involved modeling and analysis of the feebate concept from p. 186 on - deeper water than I can swim in at the moment. (p. 179 warns "CAUTION: ENTERING THE CALCULATIONAL THICKET"). Thereafter we get into lots of nice charts…

Energy Policy: The Conservation Bomb

Physicist Richard A. Muller wrote this essay for MIT Technology Review June 14, 2002. This is the source of the energy-productivity statistics I quoted in Winning the Oil Endgame. Fortunately I recalled the figures correctly!

Prof Muller has written a series of essays for the MIT journal that are all worth reading. More Muller essays are referenced in A Third Way On Climate.

I have friends who otherwise like me but consider me morally depraved for thinking that the population bomb is not going to kill us all. It is an unpopular time to be an optimist. But a recent discovery in population dynamics, and a fascinating discovery I call "Rosenfeld’s Law," may eventually drive the world toward a happier conclusion. …

Yet when I do the math, I cannot be pessimistic. I find hope in a discovery that I call Rosenfelds Law. Arthur Rosenfeld is a former professor of physics at the University of California at Berkeley, founder of Berkeleys Center for Building Sciences, a former senior advisor to the Department of Energy on energy efficiency, and currently a California energy commissioner. He is one of the worlds true experts on conservation, and in a recent study of the history of energy use, he made a rather remarkable discovery. From 1845 to the present, the amount of energy required to produce the same amount of gross national product has steadily decreased at the rate of about 1 percent per year. This is not quite as spectacular as Moores Law of integrated circuits, but it has been tested over a longer period of time. One percent per year yields a factor of 2.7 when compounded over 100 years. It took 56 BTUs (59,000 joules) of energy consumption to produce one (1992) dollar of GNP in 1845. By 1998, the same dollar required only 12.5 BTUs (13,200 joules).

Past conservation growth wasnt completely constant. During the oil crisis of the 1970s, conservation improved at 4 percent per year. Rosenfeld believes that with a little government encouragement, we can sustain a 2 percent rate per year indefinitely. Energy companies that dont want the public to reduce consumption have tried to persuade us that this much conservation would mean discomfort. Rosenfeld did the opposite. Conservation means not putting on a sweater, he entitled one of his presentations. Turn up the thermostat, if you like it warm! But, at the same time, reduce your energy bills by putting better insulation into your walls. If you dont want to invest the money, let someone else pay for it. It wont be hard to find someone. The yield on conservation investment is 20 percent per year, tax free!

Past conservation efforts have been far more successful than many people appreciate. It was conservation that liberated us from the control of the oil cartel in the 1970s. The members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries were more addicted to U.S. dollars than we were to oil. A little bit of extra conservation on our part (3 percent per year during the crisis period) drove down their income and forced them to increase production.

The steady pace of conservation would do little good if population outraced it. But there is encouraging news about population growth. The United Nations now estimates that the population of the world will peak, sometime in this century, at about ten billion. That sounds badit is much higher than the current levelbut it is a peak. After that, the population will decrease slowly. The predictions are now believed to be quite robust, as a paper in Nature last August documented (Vol. 412, pp 543-545, 2001). Malthuss population bomb is fizzling. The year 2026 will pass without a singularity.

What is happening? Where was Malthus wrong? At a United Nations conference last March, demographers discussed many possible explanations. The most appealing one was that the declining growth is a consequence of the expanding worldwide rights of women. Others attribute it to poverty reduction. Wealthy people have fewer children, for reasons we dont fully understand. Western TV is also cited: people see happy families with small numbers of children. I get the sense that scientists are groping, putting forth plausible explanations for an observed fact that they didnt predict. Fertility is declining far faster than expected in many regions, even in nations with no government family planning efforts (e.g., Brazil).

The happy news comes when we combine limited population with conservation growth. The conservation bomb wins. Rosenfeld points out that at 2 percent growththe 2 percent solutionconservation outruns population by a large factor. Two percent compounded over 100 years reduces energy use by a factor of 7.2. By 2100, with a world population of 10 billion people, everyone can be living at the current European standard of living and yet expending half the energy we are using today.

The solution may lie in making the developing world wealthy. What a delightful vision! Economicsthe glorious science. Wealth reduces population growth; conservation wins; the environment is cleaner; the world is happier. If we allow conservation to putter along at 1 percent, on the other hand, then in 2100 we will be using 40 percent more energy than today. That may be acceptable, but there is a catch: if the United States standard of living continues to increase, and the developing world wants to match that increase too, then the energy requirements may continue upward. The two percent solution is painless and preferable, but to achieve it probably requires conscious government-led efforts to develop cleaner, more energy-efficient technologies in areas like power generation, transportation, manufacturing and environmental control. Cancellation of research programs in these areas is self defeating. The solution to pollution is conservation.

Albania stands with U.S. in Iraq

Via Powerline Fatos Tarifa, the Albanian ambassador to the U.S. wrote the following op-ed for the Washington Times:

The announcement several days ago Albania — a small country with limited resources — was sending an additional 50 well-trained troops to Iraq came as a surprise to some observers. But it really should not have surprised anyone.

Albania was one of only four countries to send combat troops during the operation "Iraqi Freedom." Albania is probably the most pro-American country on Earth. It showed its support of the United States early, when it initially sent 70 commandos to join the Coalition of the Willing’s effort to bring peace, stability and free elections to Iraq. These new troops bring to a total of 120 Albanian soldiers serving in Iraq.

From a country with only 3.5 million people, the troops — the flower of Albania’s youth — represent the best Albania has to offer. Why does Albania do this when it could have avoided President Bush’s call for support, or when it could have dropped out as others have done when the going got tough? The answer is not difficult to find. If you believe in freedom, you believe in fighting for it. If you believe in fighting for freedom, you believe in America.

Unlike people in other countries in Europe and elsewhere, the Albanian people have not forgotten what it is like to live under tyranny and repression. The Albanians for more than 40 years were held in thrall by the repressive forces of the communists, living like prisoners without rights in their own country. It was to the United States that freedom-loving Albanians looked for inspiration during those dark years, and the Americans have not let us down. …

"We Albanians are a nation of freedom fighters who know something about living under oppression," Albanian Prime Minister Fatos Nano wrote in a letter to President Bush. "That is why we wholeheartedly support the American-led effort to free the people of Iraq. And though we are a small country with a small military, we are proud to stand side by side with our allies in the fight to end the reign of terror in Baghdad." …

Europe is a small place and it is hard not to run into history there. It is also hard to avoid the historic contributions of the United States in the defense of freedom and liberty on the Continent. There are cemeteries throughout Europe — in France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg — containing the remains of American soldiers who died in battle to free Europe in two world wars.

Although it is not fashionable to talk about it, the face of Europe would indeed be much different today were it not for the Americans who died storming the Normandy beaches.

Were it not for the Americans, there is a good chance there would be no France, nor a United Kingdom nor a Belgium, as we know them today. Were it not for the United States it also is very possible no Balkan countries would be free. …

I wonder if Tarifa’s piece ended up in the Washington Times because it was rejected by WaPo, NYT, etc.

Stratfor Reversal on Iraq

TigerHawk notes the latest Stratfor report reverses the pessimistic report issued December 30 which asserted that cleaning out infiltration of the Iraqi security forces was now impossible and therefore the US has no choice but to retreat from direct engagement:

Less than three months ago, Stratfor issued a fairly dismal report on the counterinsurgency in Iraq. Stratfor argued then that the insurgency had penetrated Iraqi governmental institutions, including particularly the Iraqi military, rendering it impossible for the counterinsurgency to develop the intelligence advantage necessary to win the war…

Those of us who pay good money for Stratfor’s generally fascinating reports would appreciate it if they would at least acknowledge when they are changing their mind on a subject so important as the probability of a successful counterinsurgency in Iraq.

Indeed.

Radical Islam and the American Left

I recently finished reading David Horowitz’s latest book: “Unholy Alliance: Radical Islam and the American Left“. I was about to write a review when I discovered that Carl has already posted on Jay Nordlinger’s review from November 2004:

Politically speaking, it’s probably the most explosive suggestion you can make today: that the Left has joined hands with radical Islam. That it is fellow-traveling with it. Such a suggestion will get you branded a McCarthyite, immediately. But is it true (the suggestion, that is)? Afraid so. And this case is powerfully, sickeningly made in David Horowitz’s new book.

This is a serious work - I highly recommend the book. I have been puzzled for some time as to how former progressives could transform themselves into an anti-freedom, anti-American force. Now I think I understand.

I thought that the socialist utopia was totally discredited, particularly after the Soviet archives were opened. If Horowitz is correct, I was completely wrong. Per Horowitz a significant number of the old socialists are still dreaming of their communist utopia. The problem is that globalization (and its US prime mover) are interfering with their program. Thus the socialists ally with forces perceived to be sufficiently anti-American, whether Saddam, the mullahs of Iran, or Al Qaeda.

A caution: you will not find this happy reading:

  1. How a dream of some future utopia can displace any ability to choose amongst real world policy options.
  2. The "root cause" shell game: how analyses that purported to address the "real causes" of phenomena like terrorism has become a code for the utopian agendas of the Left — and a declaration of war against the War on Terror
  3. How the anti-war movement to oppose American policy in Iraq was actually launched internationally within weeks of the attack on 9/11, long before the lead-up to the war itself
  4. The anti-Iraq War movement: how it was a product of the same forces and organizations that had assembled the anti-capitalist riots against the World Trade Organization in Seattle and against the World Bank in Prague
  5. How the survival of a Neo-Communist Left long after the fall of the Soviet Union explains the otherwise inexplicable alliances that self-described progressives have made with Islamic fanatics in their war against America and the West

Podhoretz: Bush, Sharon, My Daughter, and Me

Norman Podhoretz, editor-at-large of Commentary Magazine, has released a pre-publication version of his new article for the April 2005 issue: Bush, Sharon, My Daughter, and Me (this URL is probably time-limited, if not valid look for the article at the main Commentary homepage).

For an informed perspective on the complexities and realities of the Israeli - Palestinian issue this article is an excellent resource. Podhoretz begins with some background on the fourth annual Herzliya conference in December 2003 where Prime Minister Ariel Sharon confirmed rumors of his intention to put a “disengagement plan” into effect. The joke about Podhoretz being an alien-infested pod-person stemmed from disagreements with his Israeli daughter Ruthie over Israeli strategy:

Jerusalem: Monday, January 31, 2005

“Who are you?” my daughter Ruthie Blum demands as she greets me in the lobby of the King David hotel, “and what have you done with my father?” I laugh appreciatively at this newest twist on her antic idea that I have been invaded by aliens—an idea that first began taking shape about fourteen months ago, during my last visit to Israel, where she has been living for about 27 years now. And thereby hangs a long and complicated tale.

In late 2003, seizing as usual on a chance to see her and my four Israeli grandchildren, I had accepted an invitation to the conference on security held every year under the auspices of the Herzliya Institute. Though this was only the fourth such annual conference, it had by then developed into a major Israeli institution. And because everyone who was anyone felt obligated to attend, it had also increasingly become the place in which the nation’s political leaders preferred to issue their most important public pronouncements. Hence it was at this fourth annual Herzliya conference in December 2003 that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon confirmed the rumors about his intention to put a “disengagement plan” into effect. …

Ruthie took it for granted that I would be on her side, and so, I soon gathered, did other opponents of the disengagement plan whom I ran into during the breaks between sessions at the Herzliya conference. These were people who remembered me for my early and relentless criticism of the Oslo agreement. They were right: even before it was formally announced, I had laced into this rumored agreement in a lecture in Jerusalem, attacking its assumption that the Palestinians had given up their dream of wiping Israel off the map, and predicting that it would lead not to peace but to war. For the next seven years I would persist in this vein in my own writings, while also, as editor of Commentary, opening the magazine’s pages to the handful of intellectuals who had the stomach to endure being excoriated as enemies of peace. Then, when war finally came in the form of the second intifada launched by Arafat in September 2000 in response to an Israeli offer of statehood on 95 percent of the occupied territories, even many on the Israeli Left who had worshiped at the shrine of Oslo finally acknowledged that its viciously reviled critics had been right all along.

Having always been proud of me for playing this role, Ruthie was now amazed to discover that on the whole I supported Sharon’s disengagement plan—more amazed even than she had been by Sharon himself for announcing it. No doubt explanations could be found for Sharon’s turnabout, but there was simply no accounting for mine. Desperately searching for something, anything, that would explain it away, she hit upon a happy inspiration. Like the “pod people” in the movie Invasion of the Body Snatchers, I had been taken over by aliens who were using me to mouth opinions that her father—the real “pod(horetz)”—could not conceivably hold.

The joke would prove to be a godsend, making it possible to avoid nasty arguments as, in the months ahead, the gap between us would widen with further adumbrations of Sharon’s disengagement plan. Now here we are at the end of January 2005, and if at Herzliya Sharon had refused to specify which settlements he meant to uproot, by this point he is proposing to withdraw every last Israeli—some 8,000 in all—from the Gaza Strip, and to dismantle at least four settlements in Samaria.

Now in 2005 , Podhoretz is back in Israel for more briefings:

On this occasion, I have come to Israel as part of a small group associated with the Hudson Institute. We are here to receive a series of “briefings,” mostly from the political Right, on the current state of affairs in the country…

What follows is full of insight. The briefings are evidently by senior Israelis - not the sort of depth you will find in the everday press. If I try to summarize the remainder I risk obscuring the analysis - it’s time to read the whole thing. Other recent Podhoretz articles (now subscriber only - and thus good motivation to become a Commentary subscriber), highly recommended:

  1. World War IV: How It Started, What It Means, and Why We Have to Win (Sept 2004)
  2. The War Against World War IV (Feb 2005)

Update: Powerline has just posted an excellent background briefing on NormanPodhoretz.






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