Archive for March, 2006

A Mogadishu moment?

Jason explains some of the significance of Operation Swarmer - not seen anywhere I’ve read.

…imagine the following scenario:

The insurgency identifies a coalition unit that uses helicopters for fire support, medical evacuation, and tactical reinforcement. Any of the three will do. They mass in company strength, detaching a squad with all four SA-14s and a couple of videocams perhaps a kilometer away in an apartment building with ready access to a rooftop.

The urban terrain they select helps them rule out a fixed-wing response, while ruling in the use of helicopters. They choose their ground carefully, and wait.

They wait for a squad-or-platoon sized coalition patrol element to wander into their kill zone so they can pin them down. But that’s not the real objective. The real objective is to force a medevac flight or a provoke a helicopter airstrike. It will also probably provoke artillery fires as well, but the enemy doesn’t care, because his anti-aircraft gunners are safe and sound a klick away, sitting like a venus flytrap, waiting for an unsuspecting fly. And this is where the real ambush is triggered: As soon as the helicopters come in to evacuate the wounded, or as soon as the gunships come in to strafe and rocket the Ali Baba line, the anti-air contingent is activated. With as many as ten anti-aircraft missiles - not RPGs, MISSILES -concentrated against a flight of two helicopters, the insurgency has an excellent chance of bringing them down.

And the cameramen will be at the ready to make sure the footage gets on the six-o-clock news….

Definitely RTWT.

The last helicopter

Amir Taheri’s op-ed is excellent [via Scott Johnson of Powerline]:

…It is not only in Tehran and Damascus that the game of “waiting Bush out” is played with determination. In recent visits to several regional capitals, this writer was struck by the popularity of this new game from Islamabad to Rabat. The general assumption is that Mr. Bush’s plan to help democratize the heartland of Islam is fading under an avalanche of partisan attacks inside the U.S. The effect of this assumption can be witnessed everywhere.

NSA Intercepts: FISA judges testify to Senate Judiciary committee

John Hinderaker analyzes coverage of the testimony vs. the actual Senate transcript - concluding The New York Times Blew the Story. After reading the transcript I think John is correct, but you’ll need to read John’s complete arguments and the transcript to draw your own conclusion. In brief, here are the respective headlines:

The Washington Times: “FISA Judges Say Bush Within Law”

The New York Times: “Judges on Secretive Panel Speak Out on Spy Program”

John’s concluding paragraph:

New York Times reporter Eric Lichtblau has a considerable career investment (and, I suspect, an ideological investment as well) in the idea that the NSA program is illegal. It would seem that Lichtblau’s preconceptions and biases prevented him from accurately reporting what happened in the Judiciary Committee hearing yesterday. His suggestion that the main thrust of the judges’ testimony was to “voice skepticism about the president’s constitutional authority” is simply wrong; in fact, I can’t find a single line in more than 100 pages of transcript that supports Lichtblau’s reporting. It’s a sad thing when a once-respected newspaper can’t be counted on for a straight account of a Congressional hearing.

Iraq: How to Stop a Civil War

By Michael O’Hanlon’s op-ed, How to Stop a Civil War, makes sense to me:

But if the political process continues to falter and the risk of civil war looms larger, we will also need a military plan for quelling it. Much of the American debate has been asking how to handle an all-out conflict in which Iraq has already fractured and violence is rampant. But the more important question is how to quell violence in the early stages, before such a scenario develops fully. And this is not the typical debate over how fast and soon we can draw down U.S. troops in Iraq; rather, it is a debate about what they do while they are there.

On this point, initial indications are that American thinking is on the wrong track. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has stated that U.S. forces would not become heavily involved in any civil strife, leaving it instead to Iraqis to sort out the problem. This approach, which mirrors the relatively passive approach U.S. troops took to the reprisal violence after the Feb. 22 bombing, has an understandable appeal. But it is akin to our decision to stand aside and allow wanton looting after Saddam Hussein fell in April 2003, and it could have comparably disastrous consequences.

Mearsheimer and Walt give too much credit to the Israeli lobby

Christopher Hitchens on “The Lobby”:

As for the idea that Israel is the root cause of the emergence of al-Qaida: Where have these two gentlemen been? Bin Laden’s gang emerged from a whole series of tough and reactionary battles in Central and Eastern Asia, from the war for a separate Muslim state in the Philippines to the fighting in Kashmir, the Uighur territories in China, and of course Afghanistan. There are hardly any Palestinians in its ranks, and its communiqués have been notable for how little they say about the Palestinian struggle. Bin Laden does not favor a Palestinian state; he simply regards the whole area of the former British Mandate as a part of the future caliphate. The right of the Palestinians to a state is a just demand in its own right, but anyone who imagines that its emergence would appease—or would have appeased—the forces of jihad is quite simply a fool. Is al-Qaida fomenting civil war in Nigeria or demanding the return of East Timor to Indonesia because its heart bleeds for the West Bank?

[…]

There has been some disquiet expressed about Mearsheimer and Walt’s over-fondness for Jewish name-dropping: their reiteration of the names Wolfowitz, Perle, Feith, etc., as the neocon inner circle. Well, it would be stupid not to notice that a group of high-energy Jews has been playing a role in our foreign-policy debate for some time. The first occasion on which it had any significant influence (because, despite its tentacular influence, it lost the argument over removing Saddam Hussein in 1991) was in pressing the Clinton administration to intervene in Bosnia and Kosovo. These are the territories of Europe’s oldest and largest Muslim minorities; they are oil-free and they do not in the least involve the state interest of Israel. Indeed, Sharon publicly opposed the intervention. One could not explain any of this from Mearsheimer and Walt’s rhetoric about “the lobby.”

Mearsheimer and Walt belong to that vapid school that essentially wishes that the war with jihadism had never started. Their wish is father to the thought that there must be some way, short of a fight, to get around this confrontation. Wishfulness has led them to seriously mischaracterize the origins of the problem and to produce an article that is redeemed from complete dullness and mediocrity only by being slightly but unmistakably smelly.

Iraqi Special Operations Forces Conduct Operation in Baghdad

One of many key questions on this raid: were Iraqi special forces leading & shooting, or were US special forces in active combat?

None of the press reports I’ve seen so far are at all clear about the on the ground events.

The MNF-Iraq press release 26 March tells clearly what happened - it’s titled: Iraqi Special Operations Forces Conduct Operation in Baghdad

BAGHDAD, Iraq – Iraqi Special Operations Forces conducted a twilight raid in the Adhamiyah neighborhood in northeast Baghdad to disrupt a terrorist cell responsible for conducting attacks on Iraqi security and Coalition Forces and kidnapping Iraqi civilians in the local area.

As elements of the 1st Iraqi Special Operations Forces Brigade entered their objective, they came under fire. In the ensuing exchange of fire, Iraqi Special Operations Forces killed 16 insurgents. As they secured their objective, they detained 15 more individuals.

Additionally, one individual being held hostage by the insurgents was freed. The identity of the hostage, a non-westerner, is not known at this time, but he is being debriefed and repatriated at this time.

While searching the objective, Iraqi Special Operations Forces also discovered a cache with materials used to make improvised explosive devices and other weapons and ammunition. The materials were destroyed at the scene.

U.S. Special Operations Forces were on scene in an advisory capacity only. No Iraqi or U.S. forces were killed during this operation. One Iraqi soldier received a wound that is not life threatening.

This intelligence-focused, precision operation was conducted during twilight hours to ensure no civilians were in the area and to minimize the possibility of collateral damage.

No mosques were entered or damaged during this operation.

Francis Fukuyama caught in a lie, according to Krauthammer

Charles Krauthammer noticed the fabrication - I hope you’ll read the entire article - astonishing, if true…

It was, as the hero tells it, his Road to Damascus moment. There he is, in a hall of 1,500 people he has long considered to be his allies, hearing the speaker treat the Iraq war, nearing the end of its first year, as “a virtually unqualified success.” He gasps as the audience enthusiastically applauds. Aghast to discover himself in a sea of comrades so deluded by ideology as to have lost touch with reality, he decides he can no longer be one of them.

And thus did Francis Fukuyama become the world’s most celebrated ex-neoconservative, a well-timed metamorphosis that has brought him a piece of the fame that he once enjoyed 15 years ago as the man who declared, a mite prematurely, that history had ended.

A very nice story. It appears in the preface to Fukuyama’s post-neocon coming out, “America at the Crossroads.” On Sunday it was repeated on the front page of the New York Times Book Review in Paul Berman’s review.

I happen to know something about this story, as I was the speaker whose 2004 Irving Kristol lecture to the American Enterprise Institute Fukuyama has now brought to prominence. I can therefore testify that Fukuyama’s claim that I attributed “virtually unqualified success” to the war is a fabrication.

A convenient fabrication — it gives him a foil and the story drama — but a foolish one because it can be checked. The speech was given at the Washington Hilton before a full house, carried live on C-SPAN and then published by the American Enterprise Institute under its title “Democratic Realism: An American Foreign Policy for a Unipolar World.” (It can be read at http://www.aei.org/publications/pubID.19912,filter.all/pub_detail.asp .) As indicated by the title, the speech was not about Iraq. It was a fairly theoretical critique of the four schools of American foreign policy: isolationism, liberal internationalism, realism and neoconservatism. The only successes I attributed to the Iraq war were two, and both self-evident: (1) that it had deposed Saddam Hussein and (2) that this had made other dictators think twice about the price of acquiring nuclear weapons, as evidenced by the fact that Moammar Gaddafi had turned over his secret nuclear program for dismantling just months after Hussein’s fall (in fact, on the very week of Hussein’s capture).

Any reader having information counter to Krauthammer’s case - please advise in the comments.

Glenn Reynolds’ 2002 concluding comments on Fukuyama [read all of Glenn’s post - which includes other resource links] :

Fukuyama is not a serious person. But I suppose that’s no reason to ignore him. After all, bloggers do pay attention to Cornel West and Noam Chomsky — whom Fukuyama, with his intellectual sloppiness and rash pronouncements, is coming to resemble.

Hayy Ur raid: Politics by other means

Richard Fernandez tries to sort out the early reports on the raid on Sadr’s militia.

Everybody has to get patted down before entering the government. Probably one of the reasons the negotiations to form a government are taking so long is that nobody trusts anybody to keep their guns out of the political arena. In some strange way these raids are part of the democratic process. Emphasis on strange.

Iraq: Abdel Mahdi chosen as prime minister?

From Bill Roggio’s report [Jaafari’s allies denounce the Hayy Ur raid while MNF-I disputes the allegations of an unjustified assault] - a possible agreement in favor of Abdel Mahdi instead of Jaafari for PM. If this is true, this could break the logjam:

Baghdad, 17 March (AKI) - The representatives of the Kurdish list, the Sunni Iraqi Concord Front and much of the Shiite Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution (SCIRI) have reportedly reached an accord on a new prime minister. Their agreement not to reconfirm Ibrahim al-Jaafari as prime minister and instead nominate Abdel Mahdi, a leading SCIRI figure and currently vice president, was reported by the al-Arabiya network and confirmed by Sunni deputy, Salman Jumeiri. The nomination of a new prime minister is the main sticking point in efforts to forge a new government in Iraq after the elections in December.

The representatives of these lists have the parliamentary majority needed to reconfirm president Jalal Talabani as president and nominate Abdel Mahdi as prime minister.

The line-up of those endorsing Abdel Mahdi - who lost narrowly to Jaafari in an internal vote on a prime ministerial candidate - may well exclude MPs from the faction of radical Shiite imam Moqtada al-Sadr and those of the Islamic party Dawa, led by Jaafari.

The choice of a new prime minister has become the crucial obstacle in forming a new national unity government, following last December’s elections.

Tony Blair: Foreign Policy Speech [2 of 3]

Their case is that democracy is a western concept we are forcing on an unwilling culture of Islam. The problem we have is that a part of opinion in our own countries agrees with them. — Tony Blair

Greg Sheridan summarized “Blair showed himself yesterday as the most articulate neo-conservative in the world.”

The full-text transcript of Blair’s speech before the Australian Parliament is here. The introduction was typically Blair-eloquent:

This is a world in the course of choosing. Underneath its daily tumult - the stories of strife and sensation that blast their way into our consciousness - we are in struggle of a more profound kind.

Globalisation is a fact.

But the values that govern it are a choice.

We know the values we believe in: democracy and the rule of law; also justice, the simple conviction that, given a fair go, human beings can better themselves and the world around them. These are the values our two countries live by; and others would live by, if they had the chance.

But we believe in more than that. We believe that the changes happening in the world that make it more integrated, the globalisation that with unblinking speed re-shapes our lives, is an opportunity as much as a risk. We are open societies. We feel enriched by diversity. We welcome dynamism and are tolerant of difference.

Left and right still matter hugely in politics and the divergence can sometimes be sharp. But the defining division in countries and between people is increasingly open or closed; open to the changing world or fearful, hunkered down, seeing the menace of it not the possibility.

This is the age of the inter-connected. We all recognise this when it comes to economics, communication and culture. But the same applies to politics.

The struggle in our world today therefore is not just about security, it is a struggle about values and about modernity - whether to be at ease with it or in rage at it.

To win, we have to win the battle of values, as much as arms. We have to show these are not western still less American or Anglo-Saxon values but values in the common ownership of humanity, universal values that should be the right of the global citizen.

This is the challenge.

On the alliance with America Blair said:

Wherever people live in fear, with no prospect of advance, we should be on their side; in solidarity with them, whether in Sudan, Zimbabwe, Burma, North Korea; and where countries, and there are many in the Middle East today, are in the process of democratic development, we should extend a helping hand.

This requires, across the board an active foreign policy of engagement not isolation. It cannot be achieved without a strong alliance. This alliance does not end with, but it does begin with America. For us in Europe and for you, this alliance is central. And I want to speak plainly here. I do not always agree with the US. Sometimes they can be difficult friends to have. But the strain of, frankly, anti-American feeling in parts of European politics is madness when set against the long-term interests of the world we believe in. The danger with America today is not that they are too much involved. The danger is they decide to pull up the drawbridge and disengage. We need them involved. We want them engaged.

The reality is that none of the problems that press in on us, can be resolved or even contemplated without them.

Our task is to ensure that with them, we do not limit the agenda to security. If our security lies in our values and our values are about justice and fairness as well as freedom from fear, then the agenda must be more than security and the alliance include more than America.

Patrick Walters’s headline was “Tony Blair gives lesson in leadership”. On global security, energy and the future of Kyoto:

He also warned against anti-American sentiment, saying the global security agenda required the active participation of the US.

“I do not always agree with the US. Sometimes they can be difficult friends to have,” he said.

“The danger with America today is not that they are too much involved. The danger is they decide to pull up the drawbridge and disengage. The reality is that none of the problems that press in on us can be resolved or even contemplated without them.”

Mr Blair earlier told the Australia-UK leadership forum that the rise of India and China had put the issue of nuclear power back on the agenda as far as the European Union was concerned.

“The emergence of China and India is making a difference, not only to the issue of globalisation but to the question of how we ensure that those countries can grow sustainably but also meet their energy needs.

“There is an immediate question now in a world of more scarce energy supply, to meet the energy needs of those two emerging economies.”






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