Archive for the 'True_False' Category

Iraq: the change in Bush rhetoric when WMD were not found

Electoral politics aside, I thought it was important for national security reasons that the president refute his critics’ misstatements. The CIA assessments of WMD were wrong, but they originated in the years before he became president and they had been accepted by Democratic and Republican members of Congress, as well as by the U.N. and other officials around the world. And, in any event, the erroneous WMD intelligence was not the entire security rationale for overthrowing Saddam.

Douglas Feith argues that the Bush administration made a public affairs decision that “nearly cost the U.S. the war”. Specifically, in the fall of 2003, when stockpiles of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction were not found, presidential speeches “focused almost exclusively on the larger aim of promoting democracy”. Feith also argues that this communications strategy had the side effect of changing the definition of success

…But the most damaging effect of this communications strategy was that it changed the definition of success. Before the war, administration officials said that success would mean an Iraq that no longer threatened important U.S. interests – that did not support terrorism, aspire to WMD, threaten its neighbors, or conduct mass murder. But from the fall of 2003 on, the president defined success as stable democracy in Iraq.

It is interesting how the media has largely forgotten the true history of Saddam’s WMD and the intelligence about same. Certainly the Democrats other than Joe Lieberman have carefully crafted the revisionist history and sold it to the media. This is the origin of the myth “Bush lied”. The true history is simple: Western intelligence agencies were virtually unanimous in their agreement that Saddam continued to pursue chemical and biological weapons programs; some believed Saddam was probably secretly working on nuclear weapons; most believed Saddam was working on long range missile delivery systems. All of that intelligence work was done during the Clinton administration. Bush officials could not possibly have grafted into the CIA a whole new Iraq scenario.

Saddam’s own generals believed the same as did the British, French, German, and Japanese intelligence services.

Post-Saddam research into the tons of Iraqi government documentation, interviews with both Saddam himself and all of his senior officials — all conclude that Saddam’s strategy was to relaunchB his WMD programs just as soon as the sanctions regime collapsed. Which collapse is exactly what was happening when Bush took the “least worst choice” to invade.

Evidently, none wish to remember the actual reports of David Kay

Upon his return from Iraq, weapons inspector David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), told the Senate: “I actually think this may be one of those cases where [Iraq under Saddam Hussein] was even more dangerous than we thought.” His statement when issuing the ISG progress report said: “We have discovered dozens of WMD-related program activities” that were part of “deliberate concealment efforts” that should have been declared to the U.N. And, he concluded, “Saddam, at least as judged by those scientists and other insiders who worked in his military-industrial programs, had not given up his aspirations and intentions to continue to acquire weapons of mass destruction.”

or David Kay’s successor, Charles Duelfer

…According to Mr. Duelfer, “the guiding theme for WMD was to sustain the intellectual capacity achieved over so many years at such a great cost and to be in a position to produce again with as short a lead time as possible. . . . Virtually no senior Iraqi believed that Saddam had forsaken WMD forever. Evidence suggests that, as resources became available and the constraints of sanctions decayed, there was a direct expansion of activity that would have the effect of supporting future WMD reconstitution.”

There is more background on the true history of the Kay and Duelfer testimony in this post: Duelfer Report - Iraq Study Group. including links to the full text of the Iraq Study Group report.

Israel finally involved in the al-Dura case

Last month, a French court heard an appeals case whose forthcoming verdict will have far-reaching ramifications for all who value truth and accuracy in Middle East news reporting. The case involves Philippe Karsenty, a French journalist and media commentator, who was found guilty of defamation after he called for the firing of two France 2 Television journalists responsible for the Sept. 30, 2000, news report on the alleged killing of a 12-year-old Palestinian boy, Mohammed al-Dura, by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

Natan Sharansky reviews this media tragedy:

…The defamation trial passed almost unnoticed in Israel, to the apparent detriment of Mr. Karsenty’s case. In his ruling in favor of France 2, judge Joël Boyer five times cited the absence of any official Israeli support for Mr. Karsenty’s claims as indication of their speciousness.

Israel’s decision to stay on the sidelines was unfortunate because the truth always matters. The al-Dura incident wasn’t the only media report to inflame passions against Israel in recent years, but it was the one with the highest profile. Moreover, if, as Mr. Karsenty and others have claimed persuasively, the al-Dura incident is part of the insidious trend in which Western media outlets allow themselves to be manipulated by dishonest and politically motivated sources (recall the Jenin “massacre” that never was, or the doctored Reuters photos from Israel’s war against Hezbollah in 2006), then France 2 must be held accountable.

It is important to note that the al-Dura news report profoundly influenced Western public opinion. When I served in the Israeli government as minister of Diaspora Affairs from 2003 to 2005, I traveled frequently to North American college campuses. I heard first hand how Mohammed al-Dura had shaped the perceptions of young people just beginning to follow events in the Middle East. For many Jewish students, the incident was a stain of dishonor that called into question their support for Israel. For anti-Israel students, the story reaffirmed their sense of Zionism’s innately “racist” nature and became a tool for recruiting campus peers to the cause.

To its credit, Israel has come to recognize that it must play an active role in uncovering the truth. The IDF recently sent a letter to France 2 demanding the release of Talal Abu Rahmeh’s 27 minutes of raw footage, asserting the implausibility of IDF guilt for the death of Mohammad al-Dura, and raising the possibility that the entire affair may have been staged.

Tragically, there is no way to repair the damage inflicted on Israel’s international image by the France 2 report, much less restore the Israeli and Jewish victims whose lives were exacted as vengeance. It is possible, however, to deter slanderous news reporting — and the violence that often accompanies it — by setting a precedent for media accountability via the handover of Talal Abu Rahmeh’s full 27 minutes of raw footage. Encouragingly, the judge presiding over Mr. Karsenty’s appeal has now requested the tapes. France 2 must make a full public disclosure. If there is nothing to hide, why should it refuse?

Lots more background on the France 2 deception from previous posts.

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“Second Draft” spotlights Pallywood: watching sausage being made

Back in February 2005 I wrote I series of three posts on Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura?, with the lede:

In the introduction to this March 2005 Atlantic Monthly piece, James Fallows writes: for the The image of a boy shot dead in his helpless father’s arms during an Israeli confrontation with Palestinians has become the Pietà of the Arab world. Now a number of Israeli researchers are presenting persuasive evidence that the fatal shots could not have come from the Israeli soldiers known to have been involved in the confrontation. The evidence will not change Arab minds—but the episode offers an object lesson in the incendiary power of an icon.

There are a series of iconic images derived from a France 2 videotape filmed on September 30, 2000, the second day of Arafat’s “second intifada”. The images are real in the sense they are stills from video taken on that day in that place. What is false is the claim by France 2 that the twelve year old boy was killed by Israeli soldiers.

Now Boston University historian Richard Landes has launched the Second Draft website to investigate “other problems and issues that plague modern journalism”. The first project, Pallywood, is a study of other distorted France 2 reportage from the first days of the “Second Intifada”. The results are compelling, and particularly powerful because the site presents the actual video, beginning with the raw footage.

The best commentary I’ve seen on the Second Draft efforts is by Neo-Neocon, including a number of useful background resources. Her post is superior to anything I could write, so get on over there…

PS: please do not miss the remarkable Solomonia interview with Prof. Landes - which I might not have seen absent the Neo-Neocon link. Just a few excerpts to demonstrate this is not your usual guarded interview:

…We’re heading over to an office to deliver a video tape of a debate the professor has just participated in. He leans over to me, this self-described Man of the Left, and says in a confiding tone, “Of the three participants…I was the right-winger.” He rolls his eyes.

That’s the state of things in 2005, where a guy who simply wants the truth to be told, who wants a little fairness — fairness for the Jews, for Israel, for America…and for the Palestinians, too — can be considered “right wing.”



S: What is Pallywood?

L: It’s a play on the expression Bollywood, the designation of India’s film industry, based in Bombay. It identifies a practice among Palestinian journalists to turn staged drama into news. This fictional news industry then feeds Western news reporting, who don’t seem to suspect they’re being duped.

The expression acknowledges that the active, if still young, film industry of Palestinian culture, especially since the advent of cultural autonomy with the Oslo Accords in 1993, has already made a distinctive contribution to global culture.

S: Isn’t the expression disrespectful…mocking?

L: On one level, not at all. Most national film industries would love to have the success in the larger world media that Pallywood has achieved. Pallywood is a distinctive and powerful national product. But on the other hand, because it identifies Pallywood as part of a campaign of disinformation and propaganda, why should we respect that, rather than criticize it? As for mocking, at a basic level Pallywood is a joke played by the Palestinians on the West, and one can see it in the smiles on the faces of by-standers as they walk away from these staged scenes.



S: What was the triggering event that brought you, a Medievalist, into this realm of media criticism? Was it the 2nd Intifada?

L: Yeah, it was that. I could see that the Muhamed al Dura affair [the young Palestinian boy who’s death has become a matter of great controversy] was operating in the Arab World as a Blood Libel. After 2000 the entire global system got an injection of poison via the Arab World, but with virtually no resistance, particularly in Europe. First it was Palestinian attacks on Israeli civilians, then European Muslim attacks on Jews and Synagogues. Then it was suicide bombings. The Europeans should have slammed the brakes on and said, ‘That’s it! You don’t get our support. We know this poison!’ But their press was so uniformly anti-Israel, so eager to run whatever demonizing narrative the Palestinians had to offer, that instead they were out there in demonstrations with models wearing suicide bomber belts. Then I realized how terrifyingly stupid and self-destructive the media was behaving.



L: Yeah. So there’s this attitude like, if an Arab says things that the Israelis want to hear, you’re the equivalent of an Oreo, a coconut, brown on the outside white on the inside There’s a bizarre kind of self-destructiveness at work here, particularly for the press.

Part of the purpose of the web site is to examine a free media’s role in giving us reliable and relevant information — in other words that doesn’t obsess over stuff going on in one corner of the world while ignoring devastating things that happen in the rest of the world — that’s the question of relevance, and reliable in the sense of accurate and honest. That’s a major pillar of civil society. Y’know, that’s what I was trying to tell these students at Vassar [where Landes participated in a recent debate] — if you think that the United States is as much of a theocracy as Libya, or more, which was what one of my fellow panelists was basically saying, if you listen to this rhetoric and believe it, you have no idea what you have. You have no appreciation, and not only don’t you appreciate what you have, you definitely don’t appreciate how hard it was to get here. Civil society is a miracle, and one of the pillars of civil society is an accurate and relevant media. And right now, I’d say we’re in terrible shape.

S: They’re arrogant?

L: Yeah, well that’s one of the points of this book I’m reading by Renata Adler, Canaries in the Mineshaft — the idea that the New York Times has a Corrections Section where you correct the way you spell people’s names, but you don’t correct the major, major mistakes that you made…

Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura? Part 3

Stephane Juffa, editor of Metula News Agency, wrote this English piece for WSJ Europe, Nov. 26, 2004. John Rosenthal provided the link to this Isranet.org copy of the article (emphasis added):

THE MYTHICAL MARTYR
Stephane Juffa
Wall Street Journal Europe, November 26, 2004
 
   The first thing that comes up when you google Mohammed al-Durra’s name is a poem written by Sheikh Mohammed of the United Arab Emirates called "To the soul of the child martyr." It gives an idea of the mythical proportions that the young boy has assumed in the Middle East. The images of Mohammed al-Durra hiding from Israeli fire behind his father’s back in the early days of the second intifada, only to be struck down by enemy bullets, shocked the whole world. For many Arabs and Muslims, the boy became the symbol of Palestinian suffering under Israeli occupation. On the Palestinian Authority’s TV channel, as well as in Palestinian school books, his example is used to encourage other children to emulate his spirit of sacrifice. Even in the West, the pictures that won so many journalism prizes have become the most recognizable symbol of Israeli aggression. When Ehud Barak, then Israel’s prime minister, visited Paris in the same year, French President Jacques Chirac wryly scolded him. "Killing children is no policy."
 
   And yet, it was nothing but a hoax… I will elaborate later how it has been proven that Israeli soldiers could not have killed the boy. Some might ask why it still matters…But French state-owned TV channel France 2, which produced and distributed the damning footage, refuses to release the facts.
 
The story began on Sept. 30, 2000, two months after Yasser Arafat walked out of the Camp David peace talks. The place was Netzarim junction in Gaza, where Israeli soldiers were posted to protect a nearby settlement. Palestinian rioters were throwing stones and Molotov cocktails at the Israelis while gunmen were shooting at them from amidst the crowd. It was during this fighting that the boy allegedly died. Claiming they didn’t want to make money on an innocent child’s death, France 2 distributed the dramatic coverage free of charge to the global media. The Israeli army hastily issued a statement saying that the boy may have accidentally been killed in Israeli cross-fire. Only later, maybe too late, did the army authorize a full investigation. It entrusted this mission to civilian physicist Nahum Shahaf, who scientifically proved that (given the angle of the Israeli position vis-a-vis Mohammed al-Durra) the soldiers could not have possibly killed the boy. Mr. Shahaf then uncovered an incredible plot: He demonstrated that since the shots must have come from directly behind or next to the cameraman, the whole scene of the supposed infanticide must have been staged, and that the boy seen in the film was not killed at all. Going through the film in slow motion, he could even see the cameraman’s finger making a "take two" sign, used by professionals to signal the repeat of a scene.
 
Three years ago I interviewed Mr. Shahaf, and after viewing all his evidence I realized that this might be one of the greatest media manipulations the world has ever seen. …
 
…What turned these images into a modern blood-libel against Israel was only Mr. Enderlin’s voice-over. Even though Mr. Enderlin was not in Gaza when the alleged killing happened, he tells the viewers with great confidence that the "shooting comes from the Israeli position. One more volley and the kid will be dead."
 
…Our friend delivered the sentence we had rehearsed so many times: "I came to watch the 27 minutes of the incident mentioned in Mr. Abu Rahma’s statement under oath."
 
A legal clerk for France 2 told Mr. Rosenzweig and his colleagues that they "will be disappointed." "Didn’t you know?" added Didier Epelbaum, an adviser to the president of France Television (the department presiding over all French state-operated TV networks) "that Talal has retracted his testimony?" No, they did not know. How could they since neither the French channel nor the Palestinian cameraman ever made that public? It is incredible how France 2 so nonchalantly admitted that their star witness, well, their only witness to the alleged killing, retracted his accusations. Without this testimony there is no story, and yet the channel refuses to make any of this public.

 
   So I keep asking France 2 three questions: How is it possible that, after having been caught giving false testimonies, Messrs. Abu Rahma and Enderlin are not only still working for the public TV channel but are still covering, often together, the Israeli-Arab conflict? How is it possible that France 2 has not yet informed the public of the significant new developments in the Mohammed al-Durra case? This would be standard behavior for any responsible media organization. By refusing to do so, France 2 is violating even its own ethical code. And most importantly, how is it possible that France 2 still stands by this story even though it knows it was filmed by someone who gave a false testimony and who, by retracting this testimony, effectively eliminated the whole basis of the report? For four years, France 2 has been holding the "27-minute footage," pretending it contained crucial evidence, knowing full well though that both of their journalists simply lied. France 2 must be held responsible for this manipulation, first for issuing this fabrication and then for not coming clean.

Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura? Part 2

The investigation of the France2 affair is making some progress. John Rosenthal’s Transatlantic Intelligencer has several updates, this one from Feb 3: The Fake, but Accurate Intifada: New Developments in the Mohammed Al-Dura Affair.

In brief: France2 finally shows the 27 minutes of raw-footage to French journalists. France2’s reporter Charles Enderlin has long maintained that he intentionally cut the images of the boy’s death throes from the report because they were “intolerable”. In fact those images do not exist - they were not "cut". The 27 minutes are comprised of fully 24 minutes of "stagings". France2/Enderlin maintains that the 3 minutes devoted to filming Mohammed al-Dura and his father are real, though they do not show the boy being shot (it is now understood that it is physically impossible that the boy could have been shot by Israeli troops, if anyone actually was shot).

France2 finally allowed outsiders to view the 27 minutes of raw footage from which the famous images and 55 live seconds of video were extracted. For the Oct 22, 2004 viewing, former Le Monde reporter Luc Rosenzweig was accompanied by two senior figures of French journalism, Denis Jeambar, the director of the newsweekly L’Express, and producer (and frequent Arte contributor) Daniel Leconte. Rosenzweig was representing Metula News Agency (MENA), a French-language news agency in Israel.

For reasons I don’t understand, Jeambar and Leconte kept silent about what they had seen until they published an op-ed Jan 25, 2005 in Le Figaro. Rosenthal translates from the French:

Here is what they have to say about the content of the rushes and, more specifically, Charles Enderlin’s claim that he edited out “the child’s death throes” from the France2 report:

…the viewing of the rushes teaches us nothing more definite about “the child’s death throes”. Or rather, it does! These famous “death throes”, which Enderlin claims to have cut from the report, do not exist.

On the other hand, viewing the rushes permits us to note…that in the minutes prior to the gunfire, the Palestinians seem to have organized a staging [mise en scène]. They “play” at fighting the Israelis and simulate, in most cases, imaginary incidents of being wounded. The viewing of the complete rushes also demonstrates that at the moment that Charles Enderlin says that the child is dead, supposedly killed by the Israelis – that is to say that very evening on the nightly news on France2 –there is nothing that would permit him to know that the child is dead, still less that he had been killed by the Israeli soldiers. Everything, on the contrary, starting with the relative positions of the principals on the terrain, would seem to incriminate rather one or more bullets fired by the Palestinians.

Rosenthal later adds this important update:

Jeambar’s and Leconte’s interview with RCJ adds an important detail that was absent from their Figaro article. Whereas in the Figaro article, Jeambar and Leconte acknowledge that the rushes contain "stagings" [mise-en-scene], in the RCJ interview, Jeambar specifies that during fully 24 minutes of the rushes "one sees nothing but [my emphasis - JR] mise-en-scene":

…young Palestinians…faking being wounded. One sees them fall. When they have the impression that nothing is happening, they get up…. You see boys who look at the camera, they pretend to fall, they fall, and when they see nothing is happening, they get up and run off….They completely fake [simulent] being wounded. One sees ambulances coming and going, which evacuate people who have not been wounded at all.

In fact, those who have read Gérard Huber’s book will not be surprised to find out that the rushes contained such scenes, since Huber’s book contains virtually identical descriptions of footage shot on the same day in Netzarim. Perhaps it is indeed the same footage. But what is especially interesting about Jeambar’s comment is that he says there was "nothing but" mise-en-scene for some 24 minutes. Jeambar suggests that the scene of Mohammed Al-Dura and his father was somehow "completely out of context". Now, the total length of the rushes is said to be 27 minutes and some 3 minutes of rushes specifically of the scene of Mohammed Al-Dura and his father had already been provided by France2 to the Israeli government. This is to say that Jeambar and Leconte are claiming, in effect, that virtually the entirety of the rushes - except the scenes of Mohammed Al-Dura - consist of faked events.

More Rosenthal posts as new developments come along:

Feb. 07: Seeing, but not Seeing the Rushes: The NYTimes on the Mohammed Al-Dura Affair

Feb. 13: Controversy? What Controversy?: France2’s Continued Use of the Al-Dura Footage

Feb. 16: Controversy? No Controversy…

Feb. 27: Inveterate Enderlin

Mar. 02: Stéphane Juffa on the Al-Dura Affair and the French Media

Who Shot Mohammed al-Dura?

In the introduction to this March 2005 Atlantic Monthly piece, James Fallows writes: for the The image of a boy shot dead in his helpless father’s arms during an Israeli confrontation with Palestinians has become the Pietà of the Arab world. Now a number of Israeli researchers are presenting persuasive evidence that the fatal shots could not have come from the Israeli soldiers known to have been involved in the confrontation. The evidence will not change Arab minds—but the episode offers an object lesson in the incendiary power of an icon. al-Dura

There are a series of iconic images derived from a France 2 videotape filmed on September 30, 2000, the second day of Arafat’s "second intifada". The images are real in the sense they are stills from video taken on that day in that place. What is false is the claim by France 2 that the twelve year old boy was killed by Israeli soldiers.

James Fallows Atlantic piece is a serious attempt to understand what happened that day. If you read only one reference on this tragic story of the world impact of irresponsible media, read the Fallows piece. Excerpts:

Shahaf’s investigation for the IDF showed that the Israeli soldiers at the outpost did not shoot the boy. But he now believes that everything that happened at Netzarim on September 30 was a ruse. The boy on the film may or may not have been the son of the man who held him. The boy and the man may or may not actually have been shot. If shot, the boy may or may not actually have died. If he died, his killer may or may not have been a member of the Palestinian force, shooting at him directly. The entire goal of the exercise, Shahaf says, was to manufacture a child martyr, in correct anticipation of the damage this would do to Israel in the eyes of the world—especially the Islamic world. "I believe that one day there will be good things in common between us and the Palestinians," he told me. "But the case of Mohammed al-Dura brings the big flames between Israel and the Palestinians and Arabs. It brings a big wall of hate. They can say this is the proof, the ultimate proof, that Israeli soldiers are boy-murderers. And that hatred breaks any chance of having something good in the future."

The reasons to doubt that the al-Duras, the cameramen, and hundreds of onlookers were part of a coordinated fraud are obvious. Shahaf’s evidence for this conclusion, based on his videos, is essentially an accumulation of oddities and unanswered questions about the chaotic events of the day. Why is there no footage of the boy after he was shot? Why does he appear to move in his father’s lap, and to clasp a hand over his eyes after he is supposedly dead? Why is one Palestinian policeman wearing a Secret Service-style earpiece in one ear? Why is another Palestinian man shown waving his arms and yelling at others, as if "directing" a dramatic scene? Why does the funeral appear—based on the length of shadows—to have occurred before the apparent time of the shooting? Why is there no blood on the father’s shirt just after they are shot? Why did a voice that seems to be that of the France 2 cameraman yell, in Arabic, "The boy is dead" before he had been hit? Why do ambulances appear instantly for seemingly everyone else and not for al-Dura?

A handful of Israeli and foreign commentators have taken up Shahaf’s cause. A Web site called masada2000.org says of the IDF’s initial apology, "They acknowledged guilt, for never in their collective minds would any one of them have imagined a scenario whereby Mohammed al-Dura might have been murdered by his own people … a cruel plot staged and executed by Palestinian sharp-shooters and a television cameraman!" Amnon Lord, writing for the magazine Makor Rishon, referred to a German documentary directed by Esther Schapira that was "based on Shahaf’s own decisive conclusion" and that determined "that Muhammad Al-Dura was not killed by IDF gunfire at Netzarim junction." "Rather," Lord continued, "the Palestinians, in cooperation with foreign journalists and the UN, arranged a well-staged production of his death." In March of this year a French writer, Gérard Huber, published a book called Contre expertise d’une mise en scène (roughly, Re-evaluation of a Re-enactment). It, too, argues that the entire event was staged. In an e-mail message to me Huber said that before knowing of Shahaf’s studies he had been aware that "the images of little Mohammed were part of the large war of images between Palestinians and Israelis." But until meeting Shahaf, he said, "I had not imagined that it involved a fiction"—a view he now shares. "The question of ‘Who killed little Mohammed?’" he said, "has become a screen to disguise the real question, which is: ‘Was little Mohammed actually killed?’

Lastly, here is the English translation of the statement by Serge Farnel, president of “La Verite Maintenant” (”Truth Now”), accusing France 2. This accusation provides a link to the audio recording of a statement of Arlette Chabot (Information Director for France 2) in French:

I accuse France 2 of having deliberately fabricated the following reading of the scene that became the symbol of thesecond Intifada: “Mohammad Al Dura was killed in the arms of his father by Israeli soldiers”. France 2 thereby made an untruthful public statement as well as a proofless public accusation! The scene it has filmed, edited, then offered to television stations around the world, is a scene associated with comments which have since proven to be lies (”rushes showing the child agonizing”), established on October 22, 2004, and proofless accusations (”the gunshots came from the Israelis”).[declaration made by Arlette Chabot, Information Director at France 2, on Radio J, November 16, 2004.].






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